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In , his ships were destroyed in a storm, but he survived, and since he had put all his money securely in a leather belt, he was able to use it to start a career as a peddler in Venezuela. He began trading gold and ultimately invested in a gold mine. After his return, he purchased a large number of properties, which included a cattle pen called Minard in St.

In , he commissioned Charles P. Lazarus to build the Devon House Mansion. Stiebel was active in philanthropy and continued his efforts to improve the social and economic conditions in the country. Serving as Custos of St. Andrew, he was instrumental in providing the funding for the Great Exhibition of , which was designed to introduce tourism to the island. George Stiebel died in at age The Jamaican Government bought the property in the s, and it was declared a National Monument in With nowhere else to go, Trump accepted an invitation to dine with the Pences. In fact, according to two former Trump aides, there was no problem with the plane.

The gambit worked: Three days later, Trump announced Pence as his running mate.

How much do you know about George Stiebel, the builder of Devon House?

On the stump and in interviews, Pence spoke of Trump in a tone that bordered on worshipful. Campaign operatives discovered that anytime Trump did something outrageous or embarrassing, they could count on Pence to clean it up. There was no talking point too preposterous, no fixed reality too plain to deny—if they needed Pence to defend the boss, he was in. But people close to Pence say he felt no conflict between his campaign duties and his religious beliefs. Later, as the chairman of the House Republican Conference, he saw his job as being a servant to his fellow GOP lawmakers. And when he accepted the vice-presidential nomination, he believed he was committing to humbly submit to the will of Donald Trump.

Republicans across the country withdrew their endorsements, and conservative editorial boards called on Trump to drop out of the race. Most alarming to the aides and operatives inside Trump Tower, Mike Pence suddenly seemed at risk of going rogue. One campaign staffer told me that when she was asked on TV the day after the tape came out whether Pence would remain on the ticket, she ad-libbed that, yes, he was percent committed to Trump.

Such a move just four weeks before Election Day would have been unprecedented—but the situation seemed dire enough to call for radical action. One Republican senator called on the party to engage emergency protocols to nominate a new candidate. RNC lawyers huddled to explore an obscure legal mechanism by which they might force Trump off the ticket.

Republican donors and party leaders began buzzing about making Pence the nominee and drafting Condoleezza Rice as his running mate. Amid the chaos, Trump convened a meeting of his top advisers in his Manhattan penthouse. He went around the room and asked each person for his damage assessment. Priebus bluntly told Trump he could either drop out immediately or lose in a historic landslide. Priebus did not respond to requests for comment. The furtive plotting, several sources told me, was not just an act of political opportunism for Pence.

He was genuinely shocked by the Access Hollywood tape. The couple was appalled by the video, however.

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Whatever God had planned for Mike Pence, however, it was not to make him the Republican nominee that weekend. Trump proved defiant in the face of pressure from party leaders. By the time Trump left St. The campaign stabilized. The race tightened. And on the night of November 8, , Pence found himself standing on a ballroom stage in Midtown Manhattan—silently, obediently, servant-leaderly—while Trump delivered the unlikeliest of victory speeches.

In political circles, there had been a widespread, bipartisan recognition that Pence was a decent man with a genuine devotion to his faith. But after watching him in , many told me, they believed Pence had sold out. Scott Pelath, the Democratic minority leader in the Indiana House of Representatives, said that watching Pence vouch for Trump made him sad. Of course, Pence is far from the only conservative Christian to be accused of having sold his soul. But the president has also enjoyed overwhelming support from rank-and-file conservative Christians.

And while his national approval rating hovers below 40 percent, poll after poll finds his approval rating among white evangelicals in the high 60s. The fact that such an ungodly president could retain a firm grip on the religious right has been the source of much soul-searching—and theological debate—within the movement.

List of people who disappeared mysteriously: pre - Wikipedia

On one side, there are those who argue that good Christians are obligated to support any leader, no matter how personally wicked he may be, who stands up for religious freedom and fights sinful practices such as abortion. On the other side of the debate is a smaller group that believes the Christians allying themselves with Trump are putting the entire evangelical movement at risk. Russell Moore, of the Southern Baptist Convention, has made this case forcefully.

Let's stop a couple Mormon missionaries and ask some questions!

But even as the debate rages on, there is one thing virtually all conservative Christians seem to agree on: Mike Pence. Regardless of how they voted or what they think about Trump, they feel a sense of identification with him, and trust in him. One pastor compared Pence to Mordechai, who ascended to the right hand of a Persian king known for throwing lavish parties and discarding his wife after she refused to appear naked in front of his friends. Pence has also drawn comparisons to Daniel—who served a procession of godless rulers—and to Joseph of Egypt, the valiant servant of God who won the favor of an impetuous pharaoh known for throwing servants in prison when they offended him.

Given wide latitude on staffing decisions, Pence promptly set about filling the federal government with like-minded allies. Of the 15 Cabinet secretaries Trump picked at the start of his presidency, eight were evangelicals. Pence understood the price of his influence. Once, while interviewing a prospective adviser during the transition, Pence cleared the room so they could speak privately.

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Trump does not always reciprocate this respect. Around the White House, he has been known to make fun of Pence for his religiosity. When I asked Marc Short, who now serves as the White House director of legislative affairs, about these exchanges, he dismissed them as good-natured razzing between friends. When it was reported last January that the Pences would be moving some of their family pets—which include two cats, a rabbit, and a snake—into the Naval Observatory, Trump ridiculed the menagerie to his secretary, according to a longtime adviser.

Social conservatives had been lobbying the president to issue a sweeping executive order aimed at carving out protections for religious organizations and individuals opposed to same-sex marriage, premarital sex, abortion, and transgender rights. The proposed order was fairly radical, but proponents argued that it would strike a crucial blow against the militant secularists trying to drive the faithful out of the public square.

By the time Trump got around to signing the order, several months later, it was dramatically watered down. Conservatives blamed Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner for gutting the order. But according to one Trump associate with knowledge of the debate, Pence barely put up a fight. The surrender infuriated Steve Bannon, who was then serving as the chief White House strategist. Pence, after all, had his future to think about. One senior GOP Senate aide told me that pundits miss the point when they speculate about what kind of scandal it would take for the president to face a serious defection from lawmakers of his own party.

What would a Pence presidency look like? To a conservative evangelical, it could mean a glorious return to the Christian values upon which America was founded. There is, of course, nothing inherently scary or disqualifying about an elected leader who seeks wisdom in scripture and solace in prayer. What critics should worry about is not that Pence believes in God, but that he seems so certain God believes in him. What happens when manifest destiny replaces humility, and the line between faith and hubris blurs?

What unseemly compromises get made? What means become tolerable in pursuit of an end? They were scheduled to appear the next day in the Rose Garden to cheer Trump on as he signed an executive order most of them considered a disappointment. Some social conservatives were already voicing their discontent. After dining on shrimp scampi and braised short ribs in the Blue Room, they were treated to a tour of the private residence.

Trump led them onto the Truman Balcony, and waved off Secret Service agents who tried to stop them from taking pictures. The faith leaders pulled out their smartphones and snapped selfies, intoxicated by the VIP treatment. For many of the attendees, though, the most memorable moment came when Pence stood to speak. Instead, as always, he lavished praise on the president. Five years ago, the flight vanished into the Indian Ocean.

Officials on land know more about why than they dare to say.

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At a. The designator for Malaysia Airlines is MH. The flight number was Fariq Hamid, the first officer, was flying the airplane. He was 27 years old. This was a training flight for him, the last one; he would soon be fully certified. His trainer was the pilot in command, a man named Zaharie Ahmad Shah, who at 53 was one of the most senior captains at Malaysia Airlines. In Malaysian style, he was known by his first name, Zaharie. He was married and had three adult children. He lived in a gated development. He owned two houses.

In his first house he had installed an elaborate Microsoft flight simulator. Jimmy Carter was a terrible president.

Vast numbers of illegal immigrants may soon be deported from the United States. And, circling back to Putin, the Russian president kind of makes sense when he says that Western-style liberalism is dead, at least when you consider the sorry state of a couple of Democratic-run cities in California. In his rambling screed against the soccer star, the president revealed a lot about his worldview.

Finish the job! Be proud of the Flag that you wear. These words came from an elderly woman sitting behind me on a late-night flight from Los Angeles to Washington, D. The plane was dark and quiet. I listened with morbid fascination, forming an image of the man in my head as they talked. I imagined someone who had worked hard all his life in relative obscurity, someone with unfulfilled dreams—perhaps of the degree he never attained, the career he never pursued, the company he never started.

It might even have helped. The United States may no longer be its old hegemonic self in the realm of geopolitics. There have been moments, these past few weeks, when their swagger has veered toward arrogance. In their second match, the team started seven fresh players, resting its brand names. But an arrogant team would be unable to appreciate its own weakness, and tonight the team made self-aware tactical adjustments to compensate for its inferior component parts.

Put differently, this team is brimming with idealism—it is, after all, a squad in pursuit of equality, as well as a title—but to beat France, the host nation and its near equal, it reverted to an uncharacteristic pragmatism. They hit it off and spent the night flirting and dancing before retiring to a sauna in the early hours of the morning. Though saunas in much of Russia are bathhouses where men drink vodka and are flagellated with oak leaves, this one was a sex motel.

Kay Arthur

He and the woman slept together there, but feeling awkward about what was inevitably going to be a one-night stand, Metsavas went out to buy her flowers. More comfortable online than out partying, post-Millennials are safer, physically, than adolescents have ever been. O ne day last summer, around noon, I called Athena, a year-old who lives in Houston, Texas.

We chatted about her favorite songs and TV shows, and I asked her what she likes to do with her friends. I have to check in every hour or every 30 minutes.

From Mormon kid to alleged drug kingpin: Inside the rise and fall of Aaron Shamo

Those mall trips are infrequent—about once a month. More often, Athena and her friends spend time together on their phones, unchaperoned. Unlike the teens of my generation, who might have spent an evening tying up the family landline with gossip, they talk on Snapchat, the smartphone app that allows users to send pictures and videos that quickly disappear.

They make sure to keep up their Snapstreaks, which show how many days in a row they have Snapchatted with each other. Sometimes they save screenshots of particularly ridiculous pictures of friends. I think we like our phones more than we like actual people. These days, it seems, just about all organizations are asking their employees to do more with less.

Is that actually a good idea? Pacific Fleet. And the scene playing out in its forward compartment, as the crew members ready themselves for departure, is as old as the Navy itself.